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nzusicon confrence 2011, nzusicon confrence

 

21st Annual Confrence and Live Operative Workshop
of the North Zone Chapter of the
Urological Society of India

 

8-10th of October, 2011
in Hotel Peterhof

The theme of live operative workshop on 8th of October is "Basics of Transurethral Resection of Prostate and Bladder Tumor".

 
Organized by:
The Department of Urology
Indira Gandhi Medical College, Shimla -171001
Himachal Pradesh, India

Because it is arduous to separate economic impacts from social influences, social impacts are regarded as the most difficult phenomenon for researchers to measure scientifically (Oh, 1999). Many studies have utilized the economic concept of “cost” to objectively measure and analyze social impact phenomena; thus the term “social cost” has become the dominant medium to identify the strength and dimension of social impacts. However, this approach, which is based on the perspective of economic impacts to analyze and discuss social cost, has triggered many controversial debates of “what social cost is” and “what the definition of social cost should be” in social science. Walker, 2003 and Walker, 2007, who used a different angle to examine the social costs of “gambling”, suggested that a cost must, by definition, fulfill the following three criteria for it to be counted as a social cost of gambling:
(1) the cost has to be social rather than private or personal,
(2) the cost has to result in a real decrease in societal wealth, and
(3) the cost has to result exclusively from gambling. Thus, the current related studies on the social costs of gambling have been concentrated on discussions from the following perspectives: cost-of-illness approach (Single, 2003), an economic standpoint (Collins & Lapsley, 2003), and a public health perspective (Korn, Gibbins, & Azmier, 2003). In contrast, Fong, Fong, and Li (2011) noted seven indexes of social costs in gambling that relate to social impacts: treatment costs, prevention costs, family/friends physical and psychological costs, legal costs, rent-seeking costs, regulatory expenses, and the public costs of training, promotion and research. In addition, these researchers suggested that these social costs have paid for the liberalization of casino gambling in Macau. This research asserted that the social cost of gambling in Macau had risen appropriately 163% (i.e., from $40 million to $106 million U.S. dollars) from 2003 to 2007. Similarly, Thompson and Schwer (2005) examined the dollar value of the social costs of gambling in Southern Nevada and discovered that each compulsive gambler imposed $19,711 (U.S. dollars) in social costs on other community members.

Studies concerning the social impacts of casino gambling suggest that this industry has distinctively yielded both positive and negative effects toward local communities and the lives of local residents. For instance, Giacopassi et al. (1999) interviewed 128 community leaders in seven new casino jurisdictions in the USA and found that 59% of the respondents favored casino establishments in their communities, 65% believed that casinos enhanced the quality of their lives, and 77% agreed that casinos led to positive effects on their communities' economy. Gonzales, Lyson, and Mauer (2007) associated casino gambling with improvements in the quality of life regarding the social and economic well-being of both Indian and non-Indian populations in Arizona and New Mexico.

In contrast, although some researchers have found that the development of casino gambling has no direct associations with an increase in criminal activities (Janes & Collison, 2004), most studies have shown that casino gambling may be correlated with the following social deviations: domestic violence, divorce, bankruptcy, drug and alcohol abuse, risky or illicit sexual behavior (especially prostitution), and problem gambling (Allcock, 2000, Chhabra, 2007, Harrill and Potts, 2003 and Petry, 2003). Additionally, Stokowski (1996) and Long (1996), who studied gaming towns in Colorado and South Dakota, clearly indicated that the rates of criminal activities increased due to the development of casino enterprises in these two locations.

The increase in the number of pathological gamblers is another concerning issue regarding the development of casino gambling. Janes and Collison (2004) found that problem gambling had risen in the studied site from 1995 to 2000, and community leaders have also noticed that issues concerning child neglect and family problems had become more challenging and widespread during this period. Long (1996) found that there were growing demands for child protection, marriage counseling, and other social service programs in these gaming communities. However, other studies have claimed that casinos do not directly cause the issue of problem gambling (Braunlich, 1996 and Room et al., 1999).

After analyzing the perspectives of residents, Pizam and Pokela (1985) studied these residents' perceptions toward the development of casino gambling in the Adams and Hull areas of Massachusetts and found that these residents did not perceive this development as an improvement in their standard of living. Ironically, these residents thought that the development of casino gambling had increased their cost of living. Similarly, Roehl's (1999) research found that only one-third of the survey respondents agreed that the casino gambling establishment made their community a better place to live. Overall, the majority of the investigated respondents stated that they would not recommend the implementation of legalized gambling in other communities (Long, 1996). However, even in the discussion of the negative social impacts of casino gambling, there could be significant determinants (such as the community size and the magnitude of the casino industry) to induce differentiated strengths and extensions of negative social impacts on the host communities (Eadington, 1996) (for example, in comparison with the magnitude of casino gambling between Macau and Singapore).

As indicated by Lee, Kim, and Kang (2003) based on their studies of casino gambling in Korea, the positive socio-cultural impacts would lead to advocacy for the development of casino gambling by residents, but the negative impacts would provoke opposition from residents against the existence of casino gambling.


Indira Gandhi medical college shmla, igmc shimla, IGMC Logo, IGMC Himachal pradesh
Indira Gandhi Medical College, Shimla

When discussing the economic impacts of tourism, the multiplier process should be the most well-known and frequently applied approach to measure the economic contributions of tourism industry extensively on macroeconomic fields, involving investment (including the flows of income and the numbers of jobs), export, governmental expenditure (such as, constructing public infrastructures and facilities) and taxation revenue, tourist consumption, and so forth. However, the greatest challenge associated with calculating the multiplier process originates from the complexities of collecting the necessary data and defining acceptable numbers of parameters. Therefore, different approaches for measuring the economic impacts of tourism have been developed: the use of an input–output measure, tourism expenditure modeling, the development of satellite accounts, and local impact studies utilizing a number of ad hoc measures (Ryan, 2003, pp. 158–179). Witt, Brooke, and Buckley (2013) indicated that there are three effects of the multiplier process: direct effect (taking place only in the industry that is immediately affected), indirect effect (concerning inter-industry interaction), and induced effect (relating to changes in household income). Because casino gambling (or the gaming industry itself) belongs to a segment of the tourism industry, the examinations of the economic impacts of casino gambling could be definitely applied in studies related to the economic impacts of tourism.

The fact that opening casino gambling establishments could bring large tax revenues for governments is undoubtedly the best economic benefit that the gaming industry can contribute (Anderson, 2005 and Gu and Li, 2009). Kang et al. (2008) suggested that casino gambling could foster local economic developments and bring more beneficial opportunities to commercial activities. Furthermore, some researchers have demonstrated that casino gambling operations generally provide substantial economic benefits through increased employment opportunities (Long, 1996 and Pizam and Pokela, 1985). McLain and Maheshwari (2006), who compared the employment opportunities and personal incomes of residents within thirty casino communities in America, declared that increases in job opportunities and incomes are not completely correlated and that only the regions with economic achievements above the national average experienced significant benefits from casino gambling operations. In addition, economic benefits that are generated by casino operations are more obvious in rural areas, where they often lead to greater business developments and wage increases (Garrett, 2004).

Apart from direct economic benefits, the establishment of casinos could also enhance opportunities associated with recreational, leisure, and entertainment activities within these cities. Many casinos offer gaming opportunities, and other forms of entertainment, such as restaurants, bars, pubs, and retail outlets (Buultjens, 2006). However, these related service industries could only be recognized as auxiliary industries compared to casino gambling. For example, Janes and Collison (2004) indicated that guests spend much more time participating in casino gambling than other leisure activities. Room et al. (1999) also found that people spent less money at other entertainment venues after the opening of certain casinos. In other words, the economic improvements due to the establishment of casino gambling could only benefit certain businesses and regions instead of holistic dimensions of the national macro-economy. As indicated by Grinols (1994), casinos in Illinois have not provoked many outstanding improvements on the job opportunities in the state. Garrett (2004) also observed that casino operations do not promise to create local employment if they are established in rural or developing areas, where the workforces may be relatively unskilled, because these casinos are more likely to hire more skilled labor from outside instead of preferentially employing locals. A few studies have even indicated that the opening of a casino did not lead to any improvement or have any positive impact on recreation options (Carmichael et al., 1996 and Long, 1996).

The construction of casinos sometimes has negative influences on the sources, revenues, and job opportunities of other industries, and may even destroy their development (Garrett, 2004, Grinols and Mustard, 2006, MacIsaac, 1995 and Wan and Kong, 2008). For instance, Truitt (1996) found that riverboat casinos in Illinois did not generate the anticipated tourism and economic growth, because gamblers did not stay in the riverboats long enough to accommodate the hotels' rooms or to eat meals at the local restaurants. The local customers may also be compelled to spend and eat at the casino's facilities (Rephann, Dalton, Stair, & Isserman, 1997). As indicated by the study conducted by Oddo (1997), during the four years after casinos began to operate in Atlantic City, New Jersey, the number of retail businesses declined by one-third, and the number of restaurants was down-sized from 243 to 146.

Several studies have indicated that casino businesses produce positive local environmental outcomes, including the protection of natural environments and ecological resources, the conservation of historical buildings and cultural heritage, the improvement of public transportation, upgrades in electrical facilities, higher medical standards, revitalization of city landscapes, and increases in recreational playgrounds

New Jersey, led to the redevelopment of tourism industries, convention facilities, foundational infrastructures, and tourist capacities. In contrast, through a study of the viewpoints of the local residents of Cheju Island of South Korea, Ko and Stewart (2002) found that the levels of residential satisfaction toward the community's environment influenced their attitudes toward casinos. Those respondents who displayed higher levels of satisfaction with the environment usually held more positive attitudes toward casinos. Similar findings were reported by Perdue et al. (1995) in South Dakota and Colorado, as well as by Carmichael et al. (1996) in the Foxwoods Tribe.

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